The New Red Army (Супер!) смотрите видео интервью

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Perhaps, but updating the military-industrial complex will be as hard as modernizing the rest of Russia's moribund technology sector. Thanks to injections of cash—Russia's military budget hit $50 billion in 2008, and Putin recently pledged to raise it to $125 billion by 2011—old giants like the aircraft makers MiG and Sukhoi are now cranking out new planes. But the latest generation of Russian hardware—the Su-34 and Su-35 fighter-bombers, the MiG-35 fighter, the S-400 air-defense system, and the Iskander short-range missile—is in fact little more than upgraded versions of projects designed 30 years ago. "As soon as these design bureaus got money, they just dusted off their old projects that were a generation old," says Felgenhauer. Medvedev seems to recognize this problem, and during a visit last month to the Mashinostroyenia factory in Reutov, he blasted the industry and called for a "fundamental modernization."

In other areas, there are small signs of progress. New units—effectively, a new Army within the old one—have been set up and shown off by Medvedev to the presidents of neighboring countries as part of a new 5,000-man, post-Soviet regional rapid-reaction force that Russia will lead. The new units will be "just as good as NATO forces," Medvedev promised earlier this year, and will have kit standard in Western armies (but previously unheard of in Russia): individual radios and night-vision equipment for every man and vehicle, for instance, and uniforms and boots made of breathable modern materials rather than wool and leather. The units' brief will be "to repulse military aggression, conduct antiterrorist operations, fight transnational crime and drug trafficking, and disaster relief." The force will be permanently based in Russia, but special units will be manned by members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), which also includes Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan.


Russia has also done a good job upgrading what is perhaps the key element of its strategic military power—its nuclear arsenal. In October, the new Dmitry Donskoi missile submarine successfully test-fired the Bulava, Russia's newest sea-launched ballistic missile, after failing on its first eight attempts. The Bulava is a 30-ton Death Star capable of circling the earth and launching 10 targeted nuclear warheads from orbit. Two more submarine missile cruisers, which will pack 16 Bulavas each, are also under construction. Such weapons are more suited to the Cold War than to a modern, agile, tactical army—but even the reforming Medvedev knows that an outsize nuclear capability is one of the keys to keeping Russia's place among the great powers. He also knows that big impressive rockets are crowd pleasers—which is why he ordered Topol-M intercontinental ballistic missiles paraded in Red Square on Victory Day last year for the first time since Soviet days.
Such displays and the new spending are being enthusiastically cheered in some parts of the country, especially the archipelago of closed military cities. "Our hearts filled up with joy when we saw the rockets we test here on the Red Square," says Alexander Likh, mayor of Znamensk, a closed city in central Russia where missiles are designed and tested. "Finally, after almost a decade of degradation and poverty, our range is important again."
But not everyone is so enthusiastic, especially Russia's neighbors. Last week Poland's Defense Minister Radek Sikorski sounded the alarm in a letter to NATO, complaining about maneuvers involving 12,000 Russian and Belarussian troops in the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad. "This disturbs us," he told Polish state radio. "We demand that NATO take this into account." Sikorski and others were also upset last month when Medvedev made the quick deployment of Russian forces abroad easier by signing a new law allowing them to be dispatched outside the country "to repel an attack on Russian military units or prevent an armed attack on another state asking Russia for military assistance, [or] to defend Russian citizens abroad from an armed attack." That sounds a lot like a mandate for Moscow to "defend" Russian minorities in former Soviet neighbors such as Ukraine and Kazakhstan, should it perceive the need—or want the pretext.
Medvedev's reform campaign may also create other dangers at home. Earlier this year, the Kremlin slowed its planned troop reductions and officer firings, apparently nervous that disgruntled soldiers might cause trouble if they were discharged without proper accommodation and benefits. Still, Medvedev has made his determination to remake Russia's Army clear, refusing to cut budgets even as the rest of the country tightens its belt in the wake of economic crisis. That doesn't necessarily mean that his ambitions are aggressive (though Washington is worried enough about its regional allies that it has offered to build up Georgia's defensive capabilities). But it certainly shows that the Kremlin is serious about establishing its military as a credible deterrent to further NATO expansion—as well as a powerful incentive for neighbors to accept Russia's leadership in the region.

[Vinn]

а в двух словах нельзя, об чем суть и чего новенького?

PS: а "even...Medvedev knows" -это жестоко, нельзя так о госдеятелях говорить

[KotyaRA]

бэээк инту зе юЭсЭсааа

[Astrix]

Attachment 32882

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а в двух словах нельзя, об чем суть и чего новенького?

PS: а "even...Medvedev knows" -это жестоко, нельзя так о госдеятелях говорить

посмотри видео на этой странице, там всё понятно.

http://www.newsweek.com/id/223698/page/2