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In2HiDef
03-26-2012, 01:49 PM
http://www.analitica.com/va/internacionales/opinion/2766829.asp

Перевод с испанского Google Translate

The return of Putin Russian summer ¿?


The stench of the KGB

Edgar Vasquez Otaiza

Sunday, March 25, 2012



With his recent victory in Russian presidential elections, despite the massive electoral fraud charges, Wladimir Putin writes of postmodern history to return a third time to the center of power in the Kremlin in Moscow



http://www.analitica.com/va/internacionales/imagenes/7968732.jpg







Photo: Google
Vladimir Putin is officially back the strongman of the Russian Federation, for return to Kremlin as President. The major daily newspaper commentaries to express skepticism: they see it against a third very difficult period marked and criticize its shortcomings. His media relations are murky and conflicting.
With his recent victory in Russian presidential elections, despite the massive electoral fraud charges, Wladimir Putin writes of postmodern history to return a third time to the center of power in the Kremlin in Moscow. I had never made any Russian leader's triumphant return to the flagship site in its six centuries of history. Whether it was the Romanov czars or Soviet-called princes, the ancestors of Putin left the Kremlin only when they died or were shot down. Or as Boris Yeltsin, who in 1999 resigned his favor. But his return inside carries the seeds of failure.
International opinion.
The journalist Gabriela Ionita (Power & Politics World) referred ironically to the election of Putin as the Return of Batman and Robin as your outgoing president, in a joint effort at least for a time, which depends on the internal evolution and external Russian problems.
To continue the tradition, Putin is like a Czar and looks and feels himself as a czar, according to the German expert on Russian affairs Alexander Rahr in the weekly Der Spiegel. It is the great sovereign. The Tsar is no longer invisible, is there. Through his protege, President Dmitry Medwedew now, Putin got the presidential term was lengthened from four years to six years. That makes sense in the political calculus of the former lieutenant-colonel in the Soviet Secret Service, the KGB, they can rule Russia until 2018 and, if reelected, until 2024. This does not bode well for the Russian Federation and is overly dissonant, as in true democracies regular elections act as a valve to reduce the political pressure from voters disenchanted, so in this case, two years mean two additional years of growing discontent.
The great European press no doubt about the enormous difficulties to be faced by Putin in the performance of the new mandate, unlike the two initials, which are expressed in serious clashes in the country. You can no longer be the strong man of the beginning, since the system of maintenance in power of his own design begins to unravel. Not deal with a real opposition. Russian stability, highly touted in the West, can not now be very safe (Tagesspiegel, Germany).
The conservative daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Germany, doubts the ability of Putin to realize the challenges of today's Russia. "Finally, it is naive to expect that Putin can begin to realize the reforms that he has neglected in the past twelve years."
Russia is a nation divided. Putin's main objective is the return to the lordship of the great power that was, sipping Soviet nostalgia and want to reset the nation vigorously to achieve it. Paradoxically, he is the great obstacle to the realization of such plans. A common foreign and security depends on effective today, of an efficient economic policy. But in recent years, Putin has avoided reform; more important to him were the controls of society, particularly of raw materials, through his closest friends. Certainly the economy grew, but would have advanced more without the restrictions imposed by it. And his repeated candidacy has divided the nation, which is also a tie for development (Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Switzerland).
The Luxemburger Wort, Luxembourg notes: "A hard line for their own interests and a person (Putin) that in the latter six years is projected as a screen for critics, as a result of poor human rights issues in Russia. "
Putin's election poses a dilemma for all Western nations. The Putin returning to the Kremlin is the same that led to Russia the last twelve years: just affable, hard on the deal, authoritarian, uncompromising, suspicious and sarcastic comment fond of hypocrisy and double standards of the West. His relationship with the media and the opposition, the expansion of the economy (including the fight against corruption and excessive bureaucracy and poor) and observance of human rights are the key issues in successful performance.
Within Russia, insubordination and street demonstrations, particularly in Moscow, led by the middle class before the recent election of Putin, will continue, portending potential conflicts. Probably see the need for a coalition strategy that hates. If Putin does not accept commitments to modernize the nation, those who believed in his promises and voted for him will grow at the opposition movement. However, the foreign ministries of the European Union nations believe that Putin can control the protests and complete his term until 2018. For better or for worse, is Putin who will define the guidelines on international politics and is ignored if strategically cooperative or not displayed in the affairs of the Balkans, Syria, Iran and other international issues. So far there has been.
Surprisingly, on Tuesday March 20, 2012 was heard at the UN that would signal an opening in Moscow on a possible resolution in the case of Syria, after two Russian vetoes in the Security Council. The foreign minister Sergej Lawrow said in Moscow that "... his country was willing to support the mission of Kofi Annan and his proposals in the Security Council, not a declaration but a resolution." It's probably not a change of opinion respect, but a slight course correction because Russia fears losing his last ally in the Middle East, strong buyer of Russian arms. One wonders if there will not be involved Putin's hand.
The relationship with the media.
Looking back, just weeks after the first inauguration, Putin launched frontal attacks on press freedom. In June 2000 Wladimir did stop Gussinski, media mogul, who through his television channel NTW had denounced the cruelties of the Russian soldiers during the war in Chechnya and Putin had mocked during an election campaign in a program satirical. Known as spiteful and vindictive, Putin pushed Gussinski into exile and allowed the company was acquired by the state energy giant Gazprom, to suit its political line. Thus, in early February, the station defamed the leaders of the protest movement in Moscow calling them thugs be paid by the United States. Even today the channel is used as a weapon to cover, dirty campaigns, opponents of Putin and the Kremlin, and the scenario to glorify Him in the best strategy of the cult of personality. Clearly, Putin has not forgotten the typical Soviet and perverse strategies.
Putin despises reporters. As zealous firewall and former KGB officer prefers dark covert operations outside the limelight. It's the smell of the KGB still evident. Every afternoon Putin captures the main news, but journalists generally keeps them away. For him there are more than accommodating assistants for their propaganda performances or artificial poses have shown bare-chested wearing a fishing pole, sitting at the piano, under the command of a Formula 1 car, playing ice hockey, throwing harpoons at whales in the open sea or in the cockpit of a bomber, among others.

In2HiDef
03-26-2012, 01:50 PM
Tregubowa Jelena, who now lives in exile in London, belonged to a select group of journalists in the Kremlin in charge of advertising Putin abroad. For five years in the newspaper Kommersant reported on the political activities of Boris Yeltsin and Putin. In his book The mutants of the Kremlin. My life in the kingdom of Putin was quoted by Der Spiegel, said the rules that the press officer had established at the beginning of Putin's presidency: First, anyone could write whatever I wanted, but nobody should be surprised if the next presidential term was not there. Second, nobody has the right to ask the President anything that was not previously agreed. This was evidence not only the smell of the spirit of the KGB, but his stench. They wanted to cover up his insecurity known to reporters.
The extensive limitations on press freedom under President Putin has been criticized by human rights organizations. Reporters Without Borders has released its 2006 annual report that the conditions of journalism in Russia had worsened further in 2005. Likewise indicated that violence was "the most serious threat to press freedom."
According to that organization, Russian television is tightly controlled and censored by economic groups close to the Kremlin. Many independent newspapers were forced to pay large sums of money in 2005. Daily reporting on the war in Chechnya were extorted by the suspension of government advertisements. He refused to renew the work permit American journalists ABC television after the station had broadcast an interview with Chechen rebel leader Schamil Bassajew. In Saratow, journalist Edward Abrosimow was sentenced to seven months' hard labor for alleged defamation. Also, the editor of the weekly Odinzowskaia Nedelja received in August sentenced to four years of hard labor, but was released after international human rights organizations protested the measure.
Putin failed to reduce violence against journalists occurred during the presidency of Boris Yeltsin. Moreover, during his own presidency were killed thirteen journalists, whose perpetrators were never convicted, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.
Only the murder of journalist Anna Politkowskaia, harsh criticism of the government, by unknown persons on October 7, 2006 brought the issue of press freedom in Russia to the Western headlines. In an open letter published by the German weekly Die Zeit, the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel asked the Russian journalist Jelena Tregubowa, how the murder might be a chance, "when from the first day in office Putin has systematically liquidated free press and opposition and consequently to all independent television opposition: NTW, TV-6 and TWS. "
In addition, the Kremlin controls, through the metal magnate Alisher Usmanow, most influential newspapers of the Federation. Jurij Kowaltschuk personal friend of Putin, raised a strong media empire, which has consistently promoted his reelection. It should be recalled that after the Soviet collapse and during the Gorbachev and Yeltsin mandates prompted numerous free media (and companies), the most important of which they were taken from their owners for a handful of new rich, who then used them to promote their own businesses, defaming competition and politics. It is believed, then, with the ability to "make presidents."
Putin considered traitor to any Russian journalist who publicly criticize or expose domestic irregularities. Among the most genuine Soviet tradition in the media is a propaganda tool and believes that journalists, as members of a fourth power, it should monitor the government, but on the contrary, the government should contribute to better control the people.
When the nuclear submarine Kursk sank in August 2000, the angry relatives of the 118 crew members died he reproached Putin failure, delay and failure of the rescue operation, Putin said: "On television there are people who ten years working to destroy the Army and Navy. "I saw people that" ... uses his stolen money to buy everything. "The issue came because television had shown, cheerful, Sotschi holiday, a spa in the Black Sea, while opportunities for sailors rescue dissipated.
It is said that since then, Putin himself decided to control the media, following the guidelines that Lenin had imposed ninety years ago by the feared head of the Secret Service, the Cheka (predecessor of the NKVD and the KGB), Felix Dscherschinski : each member of the government should devote at least two to three hours a week for personal control of the press.
The moral?
Any similarity is observed with the current Venezuelan reality is mere coincidence, of course, keeping his distance.


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